Showing posts with label income. Show all posts
Showing posts with label income. Show all posts

Monday, January 2, 2012

Income shocks reduce human capital investments: evidence from five east European Countries


This paper empirically investigates whether households affected by income shocks cope by reducing human capital investments. The analysis uses Crisis Response Surveys conducted in Armenia, Bulgaria, Montenegro, Romania, and Turkey during 2009 and 2010.

A propensity score matching technique is adopted to compare health and education investment decisions among households that were affected by income shocks to the matched comparison group. The authors find that households affected by income shocks reduced some human capital investments. Interestingly, households in these five countries were more likely to adopt health-related coping strategies as opposed to education-related coping strategies.

The results from Armenia, Bulgaria, Montenegro, and Turkey show that households affected by income shocks reduced their visits to doctors and reduced their spending on medicine and medical care significantly more than the matched comparison group. Households affected by income shocks reduced their education investments, but did not adopt harmful education-related coping strategies, such as withdrawing children from schools or moving children from costly private to cheaper public schools.

These findings reveal that long-term and possibly intergenerational household welfare could be affected by short-run income shocks and hence underscore the need for governments to employ mitigation measures.

World Bank.Author: Dasgupta, Basab ; Ajwad, Mohamed Ihsan. Document Date: 2011/12/01.Document Type: Policy Research Working Paper.Report Number:WPS5926.


x

Income shocks reduce human capital investments: evidence from five east European countries


This paper empirically investigates whether households affected by income shocks cope by reducing human capital investments. The analysis uses Crisis Response Surveys conducted in Armenia, Bulgaria, Montenegro, Romania, and Turkey during 2009 and 2010. A propensity score matching technique is adopted to compare health and education investment decisions among households that were affected by income shocks to the matched comparison group. 

The authors find that households affected by income shocks reduced some human capital investments. Interestingly, households in these five countries were more likely to adopt health-related coping strategies as opposed to education-related coping strategies. The results from Armenia, Bulgaria, Montenegro, and Turkey show that households affected by income shocks reduced their visits to doctors and reduced their spending on medicine and medical care significantly more than the matched comparison group. 

Households affected by income shocks reduced their education investments, but did not adopt harmful education-related coping strategies, such as withdrawing children from schools or moving children from costly private to cheaper public schools. These findings reveal that long-term and possibly intergenerational household welfare could be affected by short-run income shocks and hence underscore the need for governments to employ mitigation measures.

Wordl Bank. Author: Dasgupta, Basab ; Ajwad, Mohamed Ihsan. Document Date:2011/12/01.Document Type: Policy Research Working Paper.Report Number:WPS5926



x

Tuesday, December 13, 2011

A vulnerability approach to the definition of the middle class

The concept of social class and specifically middle class, has been widely discussed in sociology and other social sciences, but mostly ignored in modern economics. In practice, the middle class has been defined in terms of income, consumption patterns, occupational status, or even by using self-identification.

Regardless of which definition is used, the measurement of middle class is dependent on a particular period and place and it is determined by several factors, such as history, culture and the development stage of a society. Analysis of the middle class emerges as a central issue given the strong influence this social group has on society, politics and the economy. Much literature (Easterly 2001) suggests that the middle class helps to produce economic benefits and foster economic development, through its emphasis on human capital investment, consumption and savings, which, in turn, incentivizes a virtuous circle contributing to further expansion of this social group. Other authors (Birdsall 2010) suggest that the middle class constitutes the backbone of democracy ensuring social and political stability by fostering social cohesion and mitigating tensions between the poor and the rich. As political scientists suggest, a strong and stable middle class is usually accompanied by a more ―stable democracy.

Over the past decade several countries in Latin America have accomplished important reductions in poverty and inequality and as a result policymakers are now confronting new challenges, and seek to understand problems they face from a political economy perspective. The simultaneous emergence of improved data quality and availability has sparked a surge in literature addressing measurement and dynamics of the middle class. However, most writing on the subject lacks clarity on the definition of what it means to be middle class. In the sociological literature there is a long tradition of class dynamics analysis based mainly on occupational structure following Goldthorpe‘s categories (Goldthrope 1987).

However, in the economic literature, the analysis has focused mainly on relative definitions, addressing a stratum of the income distribution rather than an analysis of class. Existing relative definitions compare different middle classes from place to place because income distributions differ across countries. An absolute approach becomes more advantageous because it identifies middle class as those households with income or consumption in a specific and comparable range. For instance, Banerjee and Duflo (2008) (B&D from here onwards) and Ravallion (2010) have suggested the use of absolute income thresholds to define lower, middle, and upper classes. However, while these absolute measures enable comparison across countries their definitions have resulted in descriptive statistics of income groups because the thresholds are defined arbitrarily.

The response to the question of why we care about the measurement, the analysis and the empirical contrast of different definitions of the middle class can found somewhere else (Birdsall et al. 2011; Hertova et al. 2011; Cruces et al. 2010). In line with Amartya Sen‘s (1983) statement: ―poverty is absolute in the realm of capabilities but relative in the realm of income, we propose a framework in which middle class is absolute in terms of the functionings that define it but relative in terms of the means through which those functionings can be achieved. In this paper we argue that vulnerability to poverty is the absolute functioning that defines the middle class. We set the lower threshold of the middle class at an absolute level: a 10 percent probability of falling into poverty. Using a regression-based approach we exploit panel data to determine the amount of comparable income associated with that probability level –using income as the relative measure of vulnerability to poverty. Based on our findings from applying this methodology to three countries, we set an absolute lower bound for the middle class of 10 dollars PPP. This creates an absolute lower threshold that can be used to measure the middle class across countries over time. We, then, apply the 10-dollar PPP absolute lower threshold to cross-sectional surveys (household data from 1992 through 2008-09) to measure the size of the middle class in Chile, Mexico and Peru and analyze its evolution over the last two decades. Lastly we contrast this new absolute definition with existing absolute definitions of the middle class presented by B&D and Ravallion.

Evidence from the application of the vulnerable-to-poverty approach shows that both the proportion of middle class households and the income share appropriated by this group have significantly increased in all three countries during the period under study –in-tandem with economic growth in these countries as we should expect. We also find that the proposed lower threshold of middle class is at or above the median of the income distribution in the countries analyzed. We show that alternative absolute definitions (B&D and Ravallion) lump people who are still vulnerable to poverty into their definition of middle class, which has resulted in counter-intuitive trends in the size of the middle class –the middle class expands during economic downturns and shrinks in times of growth– a problem the vulnerability-to-poverty measure corrects.

In summary, the vulnerable-to-poverty approach defines the middle class in absolute terms as those households with income or consumption in a specific and comparable range, and it makes two important contributions to the measurement of the middle class. First, methodologically, it ensures that no lower class or poor households are being identified as middle class. Second, conceptually, it establishes a well-defined conceptual framework for the analysis of the middle class over time.

This paper is structured as follows. Section 2 provides a brief literature review on the relationship between vulnerability and middle class. Section 3 presents an overview of existing measures of middle class and their shortcomings. Section 4 describes the data used in this paper. Section 5 describes the empirical strategy to estimate an absolute-standard for middle class analysis. Section 6 presents the results and contrasts it with other existing absolute definitions. Finally, section 7 concludes.

World Bank.Author: Lopez-Calva, Luis F. ; Ortiz-Juarez, Eduardo.Document Date:  2011/12/01.Document Type:  Policy Research Working Paper.Report Number:  WPS5902 Volume No: 1 of 1.


z

Monday, December 5, 2011

Why Don’t We Tax the Rich? Inequality, Legislative Malapportionment, and Personal Income Taxation around the World

While general tax collection has been on the rise in recent years across Latin America, personal income taxation remains below the international norm. For example, the average Latin American country collects 5 percentage points of GDP less than what would be expected given its level of economic development, which tends to be one of the determinants for implementing a tax that requires self-reporting and enforcement technologies.

As shown in Figure 1, every Latin American country lies below a simple regression line relating personal income tax revenues and the level of development, measured by per capita GDP at the beginning of the period.1 Given that the most standard economic determinant cannot explain this finding, could the answer lie in political factors?

A natural starting point is to look at the role of the political regime. After a long history of democratic interruptions and the beginning of the third wave of democratization during the 1980s and 1990s, scholars and pundits alike expected that the transition to democracy would increase pressures for the mobilization of revenue drawn from taxes on income, which in principle should be more progressive than other forms of collection such as indirect taxes.
According to the classic median voter model of redistributive politics (Meltzer and Richard, 1981), in a context of high inequality and democratic decision-making (as is the case in contemporary Latin America), it is expected that a relatively poor median voter would demand relatively higher taxation on the wealthy in order to bring about income redistribution.

That a majority of citizens in the region perceive the income distribution to be unfair or very unfair—more than 60 percent in every country except Venezuela (Figure 1 in the Appendix)—and that they also tend to favor redistributive policies (Figure 2 in the Appendix) would initially seem to support the theoretical arguments that link democracy with greater income redistribution.

Inter-American Development Bank.(IDB working paper series;No. IDB-WP-282). Author(s):Ardanaz, Martin,Scartascini,Carlos.Published: November 2011.Code: IDB-WP-275.

.

Tuesday, November 15, 2011

The impact of pro-vulnerable income transfers : Leisure, dependency and a distribution hypothesis

This paper studies a transmission mechanism through which pro-vulnerable income transfers may affect individual decision-making of non-beneficiaries in an extreme poverty context, leading to labor supply contraction and the so-called dependency syndrome. The argument is based on the distributional distortion this transfer may provoke to the relative quality of leisure, enjoyed by the population in an extreme poverty scenario.

Assuming the existence of vulnerable individuals and different income groups based on certain physical, economic, or social characteristics, the author studies their decision processes and, in particular, their reactions to the aid program. The results of this theoretical research provide some insights on the conditions that an optimal pro-poor income transfer should present. A literature review is presented in support of the arguments made in the theoretical part

World Bank. Author: Limodio, Nicola.Document Date:  2011/11/01.Document Type:  Policy Research Working Paper.Report Number: WPS5881.Volume No: 1 of 1

Tuesday, November 8, 2011

Is there such thing as middle class values? Class differences, values and political orientations in Latin America

Middle class values have long been perceived as drivers of social cohesion and growth. This paper investigates the relation between class (measured by position in the income distribution), values, and political orientations using comparable values surveys for six Latin American countries.

The analysis finds that both a continuous measure of income and categorical measures of income-based class are robustly associated with values. Both income and class tend to display a similar association to values and political orientations as education, although differences persist in some important dimensions.

Overall, there is no strong evidence of any "middle class particularism": values appear to gradually shift with income, and middle class values are between the ones of poorer and richer classes. If any, the only peculiarity of middle class values is moderation.

The analysis also finds changes in values across countries to be of much larger magnitude than the ones dictated by income, education, and individual characteristics, suggesting that individual values vary primarily within bounds dictated by each society.

Latin American countries–Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Guatemala, Mexico and Peru.

The World Bank. Author:Lopez-Calva,Luis F.;Rigolini,Jamele;Torche, Florencia.Document Date: 2011/11/01.Document Type: Policy Research Working Paper.Report Number:  WPS5874. Volume No:  1 of 1

28 pages
Official Version
[1.96 mb]

Text Version*